Research and reflections on the ancient Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church of Malankara, Kerala
Summary of PhD thesis (SOAS, University of London).
In this thesis, I examine the question of the religious self-definition of the Jacobite Syrian Christian community in Kerala. The leading question is: to what extent does the indigenous narrative of that community about their religious identity differ from existing dominant historical accounts? It examines texts in Malayalam from the Jacobite Syrian Christians, particularly the unpublished 18th century Mathai Vettikkunnel manuscript, in order to investigate the narrative of their religious identity, in the context of existing scholarly discourse.
During the Portuguese period, in 1599, the composite body of the undivided Syrian Christian Church was Latinized, mainly based on the allegation that they were Nestorians affiliated to the Church of the East, Nestorianism being a heresy rejected at the Council of Ephesus, in 431. The Latinization was rejected by the Syrian Christians in 1653, and the confusion that followed culminated in a schism in the Church in 1663, when two religious identities emerged: one Jacobite Syrian, and the other, Romo-Syrian. Portuguese writings asserting the Nestorianism of the Syrian Christians in the Pre-Portuguese times were re-iterated by subsequent historians, who developed the narrative that the Syrian Christians were Nestorians from the inception of their Church. These scholarly constructions continue to dominate the discourse on the subject, from Gouvea (1606), to La Croze (1724), to Hough (1839), to Neill (1984), and to Perczel (2011).
This thesis is an investigation of the identity of the Jacobite Syrian Christians, and their own perceptions of their origin, doctrinal position, and ecclesiastical affiliations that had evolved up to 1599. In doing so, it critically examines a range of documents in Malayalam, in particular the account given by Mathai Vettikkunnel, a cleric from Manarcadu in Kerala, and ten primary source documents, as well as four indigenous secondary sources in the form of historical narratives, which are well-known within the Jacobite Syrian community but have rarely been used by scholars. Mathai Vettikkunnel’s text is transcribed and translated, and provided with a detailed historical commentary, with a view to tracing the narrative arc as articulated by Mathai Vettikkunnel and other Jacobite Syrian Christians with regard to their religious identity in pre-Colonial times. These accounts also form the basis for re-examining the alleged Nestorian doctrinal position of the Syrian Christians in the pre-Latinization period. In examining the Jacobite Syrians’ claims that they had maintained Antiochian links from the 4th century onward until the arrival of the Portuguese, special attention is paid to three areas: firstly, the question of the alleged Nestorian beliefs of the pre-schism Syrian Christian Church; secondly the agency, period, manner of the establishment of links with Antioch claimed by the Jacobite Syrians, and thirdly, how this self-perception of the Jacobite Syrians of their identity informed their rejection of Latinization. This thesis argues that the data found in Mathai Vettikkunnel and in the corpus of indigenous literature testifies to the complexity of the Jacobite Syrian Christians’ self-perception, and that it is at variance with the early Portuguese assertions and the currently dominant view on the subject in academic writings. It argues that there is strong evidence suggesting that the connection of the Jacobite Syrians with Antioch originated as early as the 4th century, when according to their own accounts, Semitic Christians from Mesopotamia migrated to Kerala, and that it was the forging of the combined Mesopotamian-Semitic and Keralan identity that helped in maintaining its links with Antioch, and its sustained resistance to Latinisation.
The basic premise, of your argument is at varience with primary evidence available in catholic circles.
The chaldean catholics were not against the pope. They were against arch bishop garcia’s high handedness in dealing with their religious matters. The archdeacons powers were curtailed. He rebelled, which resulted in the oath.
Please study the jesuit papers of the period available.
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Derar Mr. Rajan P.J.
Thank you for your comment.
Yes, you’re right, of course many Jesuit Catholics have written extensively from the Catholic Church’s perspective on the historical events surrounding the Oath of the Leaning Cross (Koonan Kurishu Satyam) of 1553. I have studied most them in detail and checked them against other parallel accounts. Naturally, and understandably, many 20th century Roman Catholic writers have written about it in favourable terms to the Catholic Church. I studied Jesuit Father D. Ferroli’s ‘The Jesuits in Malabar’ (1939), and the numerous histories by Kerala church-historians such as Fathers J. Kollaparambil (‘The St. Thomas Christians’ Revolution in 1653′), Mundadan, Podipara, Bernard, Nidhiry, Joseph Thekkedath etc. I also studied the accounts of contemporary Portuguese clergymen resident in Kerala at the time, esp. the Carmelite missionaries sent by Rome to replace the Jesuits and to calm the situation down: Joseph Sebastiani, Hyacinte de St. Vincent, Joseph de St. Maria, and Vincent Maria de St. Caterina of Sienna. (Vincent Maria’s ‘Il Viaggio all’ Indie Orientali’ is very informative on the circumstances of their arrival in Kuravilangat in 1657. )
From these diverse perspectives, I believe I was right in coming to the conclusions as I have set out in my thesis.
May I also point out that it was not a simple case of ‘the Archdeacon rebelled, which resulted in the Oath’. It appears that it was in fact the culmination of a series of unhappy events in which the Portuguese Catholics firstly brought the Syrian Christians forcibly under Rome at the Synod of Diamper in 1599, and then, when the SC continued to defy the authority of Jesuit archbishops Britto and Garcia, they cruelly oppressed and persecuted them for the next 54 years.
Again, may I point out that the (Carmelite) Bishop Sebastiani consecrated Chandy Parambil as the first native bishop in 1663, not because the Europeans loved or respected the Syrian Christians, but only because of political expediency. When the Dutch (a Protestant country) conquered Kochi in 1663, they immediately expelled all Portuguese citizens and Catholic priests and bishops. This was shocking and alarming to the Catholic hierarchy in Kerala. Sebastiani is reported to have begged on his knees to give him time to consecrate a Keralan as bishop to care for the small group of Syrians Christians who had chosen to remain loyal to Sebastiani and to Rome.
Sebastiani’s account is very revealing of the facts on the ground, and even more revealing are the accounts of secular Dutch historians of that time, such as Philip Baldaeus (1672). I would also recommend that you read James Hough’s ‘History of Christianity in India’ Vol.II pp.297-383, as it will give you a summary of the events of this period.
with very best wishes
Sarah Knight
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